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Cited in Lehr, 1991: 39) Thus, while block settlements were regarded favorably in government circles, for the wider Canadian public and many Canadian politicians they were a recipe for disaster. Critics believed that Ukrainians and other eastern or southern Europeans who settled in close physical proximity to each other would never have to assimilate into an Anglo-Canadian way of life. The settlements would enable these groups to continue to maintain their own languages, traditions and customs and would remove any reason to rub shoulders with, and learn from, superior races (Lehr, 1991: 38).

But, of course, it is individuals and families who migrate, and they do so for different reasons. Their stories involve an innumerable variety of circumstances, obstacles and means of survival. At the same time, though, individuals and families rarely migrate as isolated units. Invariably, there are larger social pressures that impinge on groups of people, and so it is possible to detect common experiences and recurring patterns in the many narratives. Nevertheless, the Ukrainians who left their homeland as part of the different waves of migration did so for many reasons.

Many in turn moved to California, and in 1872 the seat of the Russian Orthodox diocese in the United States moved from Sitka, Alaska, to San Francisco, California. Growth in the church was slow, however, until the late 1890s. The Russophile sentiments of the Ruthenian-American community was promoted by a former Greek Catholic priest from Carpatho-Ukraine, Father Alexis Toth. In 1891, Toth and his financially struggling Minneapolis Greek Catholic parishioners from Carpatho-Ukraine were persuaded to join the Russian Orthodox Church (Kuropas, 1991: 55), partly because of the financial support of the Tsarist government in Russia (Magocsi, 1994: 30).

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A study of war, vol.2 by Quincy Wright


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